An Asian woman with short hair is helping a young Black girl color a picture on a green and yellow desk

Broad Coalition Urges Congress to Keep Special Education and Civil Rights in the Department of Education

The Department of Education calls its plan to move special education oversight to Health and Human Services and school civil rights enforcement to the Department of Justice a “partnership.” Disability, civil rights, education, parent, and educator organizations see something very different: core education and civil rights responsibilities being moved away from the agency Congress charged with protecting them.

The Arc of the United States joined a broad coalition urging Congress to reject these transfers and keep special education, Section 504 enforcement, vocational rehabilitation, and school civil rights protections connected inside the Department of Education. Read The Arc’s full statement on what this move could mean for students with disabilities, families, schools, and civil rights enforcement.

Download the Coalition Letter

Full Coalition Letter

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
June 18, 2026

Broad Coalition of Disability, Civil Rights, and Education Organizations Denounces ED’s Latest Transfers of Core Functions

Washington, D.C. — The undersigned disability, civil rights, and education organizations strongly oppose the Administration’s efforts to transfer the Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) from the U.S. Department of Education (ED) to the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) to the Department of Justice (DOJ) through Interagency Agreements (IAAs). These agreements undermine the core foundation of federal disability, education, and civil rights policy and implementation.

Students with disabilities deserve educational systems that are designed around their needs, rights, and opportunities, not administrative restructuring that risks disrupting critical services and protections. They deserve equitable access to education, robust protections under the law, and an intact Department of Education that is committed to their success and steadfast in defending their rights.

Far too many students experience unacceptable barriers to receiving services and supports – but these transfers do not reflect meaningful solutions to this problem. While ED states that stakeholder input was considered, these IAAs do not reflect the concerns widely expressed by parents, educators, disability organizations, and civil rights advocates. Congress specifically entrusted ED with administering the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), enforcing Section 504 protections in public schools and colleges, overseeing vocational rehabilitation programs, and safeguarding the civil rights of students with disabilities. Congress has repeatedly reauthorized and strengthened these laws within the Department since its establishment in 1979, creating an integrated framework for students with disabilities that connects educational opportunity, civil rights enforcement, transition services, workforce preparation, and employment outcomes.

Transferring OSERS to HHS moves critical education, transition, and employment programs into an agency primarily focused on health care, weakening the coordination between schools, vocational rehabilitation, and postsecondary opportunities. Furthermore, separating OSERS from the Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (OESE), which funds and oversees K-12 education programs, segregates disability-related education programs from the broader education system and weakens the coordination necessary to ensure students with disabilities are fully included in general education. Special education is not a separate enterprise. IDEA is built on the principle that students with disabilities should be educated alongside their peers and have access to the same academic standards, accountability systems, and opportunities for success. State education leaders and educators⸺including both general and special educators⸺also rely on ED’s expertise, guidance, monitoring, and technical assistance; responsibilities that Congress unilaterally funds and directs the Department to provide.

Likewise, transferring OCR to DOJ separates education-focused civil rights enforcement from the agency responsible for education policy and oversight, exposing students and their families to longer wait times when discrimination is occurring in schools and risking the loss of specialized expertise that students and families rely upon to resolve their complaints and drive necessary improvements in school policy and practice to prevent future discrimination. It will also discourage some families from seeking assistance or filing complaints due to concerns about engaging with a law enforcement agency rather than experts in education and disability law.

Congress intentionally built an education and vocational rehabilitation continuum that supports individuals with disabilities from early intervention through school, postsecondary education, and employment. Moving OSERS to HHS and OCR to DOJ dismantles this coordinated and cohesive approach and threatens decades of progress advancing educational, employment, and civil rights outcomes for students with disabilities.

The undersigned organizations urge Congress to reject these transfers and preserve the Department of Education’s longstanding and Congressionally mandated roles to lead, direct, oversee, administer, and enforce the laws and programs that support opportunity, inclusion, and success for all students with disabilities.

Organizations that Signed the Letter

The letter was signed by a broad coalition of national, state, and local disability, civil rights, education, parent, educator, and community organizations, including The Arc of the United States, ACLU, National Disability Rights Network, Council for Exceptional Children, National Education Association, National Center for Learning Disabilities, Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund, COPAA, and dozens of state and local groups across the country. Download the full coalition letter to see the complete list of organizations.

A black and white picture of people with disabilities protesting to get Section 504 signed

DOJ Actions on Olmstead Threaten the Right of People With Disabilities to Live in the Community

Update (July 20, 2026): The concern we raised in this post is already becoming reality. The Department of Justice has now published a Federal Register notice saying it won’t rely on its longstanding Olmstead guidance when enforcing Title II of the ADA. The notice also says the Olmstead guidance and similar guidance documents are “not enforceable” and that the DOJ plans to revisit the guidance under a narrower reading of federal law. This doesn’t overturn Olmstead, the ADA, Section 504, or the integration mandate, but it’s another serious step away from federal enforcement of community living rights for people with disabilities.

On June 18, 2026, the U.S. Department of Justice issued a legal opinion that threatens one of the most important civil rights protections for people with disabilities: the right to live and receive services in the community, not be unnecessarily confined to institutions.

The opinion targets Olmstead v. L.C., the 1999 U.S. Supreme Court decision that recognized institutional isolation of people with disabilities as discrimination under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). For more than 25 years, Olmstead has helped people with disabilities fight for the supports they need to live at home and in their communities.

This guidance isn’t a court decision. It doesn’t erase Olmstead or change Supreme Court precedent. It also doesn’t take away the ADA, Section 504, or the regulations that protect community living.

But it’s dangerous because rights mean less when the federal government refuses to enforce them. This guidance seeks to undermine one of the strongest protections people with disabilities have from being pushed into institutions when they can and want to live in the community. The DOJ itself acknowledges that this opinion is “out of step” with how federal courts have understood Olmstead.

For people with disabilities, this is about whether they can get services at home instead of being forced into a facility. It’s about whether children and adults with disabilities can stay connected to their family, friends, school, work, and community life. It’s about whether people have a meaningful way to protect their rights when a state or system says “no.”

“This guidance is a direct threat to decades of progress toward community living for people with disabilities which has always been at the heart of The Arc’s 75 years of advocacy,” said Shira Wakschlag, Senior Executive Officer of Legal Advocacy and General Counsel at The Arc of the United States. “Olmstead remains the law of the land, but this opinion tells people with disabilities that the federal government seeks to attack one of their most basic civil rights. People with disabilities shouldn’t be forced into institutions because a state refuses to provide services in the community. The Arc will keep fighting to protect Olmstead, Section 504, the ADA, and the right to live in the community.”

This is confusing and upsetting news, but it’s important to understand what has changed and what hasn’t. Here’s what people with disabilities, families, and advocates need to know right now:

  • Olmstead is still Supreme Court precedent
  • The ADA and Section 504 are still law
  • The integration mandate still exists in federal regulations
  • People’s rights have not disappeared
  • The federal government is taking steps to pull back from enforcing key protections for community living
  • People with disabilities and advocates must stay alert, organized, and ready to push back

DOJ Is Now Pulling Back From Olmstead Guidance

On July 20, 2026, the DOJ published a Federal Register notice saying it will no longer rely on its longstanding Olmstead guidance when enforcing Title II of the ADA. That guidance helped explain when states may violate the ADA by unnecessarily segregating people with disabilities or putting them at serious risk of institutionalization.

The DOJ now says the Olmstead guidance and similar guidance documents aren’t enforceable and that they will revisit the guidance under a narrower reading of federal law. Guidance doesn’t create new legal duties by itself. But it matters because it shows how the federal government understands and enforces the law. The DOJ is signaling that people with disabilities may have fewer federal tools to protect their right to live, work, learn, and spend time in the community.

This announcement follows the DOJ’s June opinion and broader attacks on Olmstead, Section 504, the ADA, and the rights and supports people with disabilities rely on.

This isn’t the end of Olmstead. It’s the start of a new fight to protect it.

Disability rights aren’t always weakened through one big repeal. Sometimes they’re weakened through legal memos, withdrawn guidance, reduced enforcement, and regulations that get rolled back. That’s why this opinion and notice matter.

Olmstead began with two women, Lois Curtis and Elaine Wilson, who were held in a Georgia state hospital even after professionals said they could live in the community. Their case helped affirm a basic truth: people with disabilities shouldn’t have to live in institutions just to receive services.

For The Arc, this fight isn’t new. Our movement was built by families and people with disabilities who rejected institutionalization and demanded the right to live, learn, work, and belong in the community. Today, that fight continues in courtrooms, in Congress, in federal agencies, in state capitols, and through our 549 chapters across the country.

The DOJ opinion and notice also come as disability rights are being challenged from multiple directions, including lawsuits and policy efforts that seek to weaken Section 504, the ADA, and the integration mandate. The Arc is monitoring these threats closely, including Texas v. Kennedy, and will continue working with legal partners, chapters, and advocates to protect community living from every angle.

Community living is a civil right won by people with disabilities, families, and advocates who fought segregation for generations. People with disabilities belong in their communities, with the services and supports they need to live the lives they choose. The Arc will keep using every tool we have to protect that right.

DOJ Olmstead Opinion FAQ: What It Means for Disability Rights and Community Living

What did the DOJ say in the July 2026 notice on Olmstead guidance?

The DOJ said it will no longer rely on its Olmstead guidance when enforcing Title II of the ADA. The notice also says the guidance isn’t enforceable and that the DOJ plans to revisit it under a narrower view of the law. Olmstead is still the law, but federal enforcement is being pulled back.

Does the DOJ opinion or Federal Register notice overturn Olmstead?

No, their June 2026 opinion or July 2026 Federal Register notice aren’t court decisions. They don’t overturn Olmstead v. L.C. or change Supreme Court precedent. The ADA, Section 504, and the integration mandate still exist. But these signals are dangerous because they say the federal government may stop enforcing one of the strongest protections people with disabilities have against unnecessary institutionalization.

Is Olmstead still the law?

Yes, Olmstead is still the law. For 27 years, it has helped protect the right of people with disabilities to live and receive services in the community instead of being unnecessarily separated in institutions.

What is the integration mandate?

The integration mandate requires services to be provided in the most integrated setting appropriate. It helps protect the right of people with disabilities to live and get services in the community, not be forced into institutions when they can and want to live in the community.

What does the DOJ Olmstead opinion and Federal Register notice mean for people with disabilities?

Right now, people’s rights haven’t disappeared. But the federal government seeks to undermine one of the key protections for community living. That could make it harder for people with disabilities to get help from the federal government when they are denied services at home, pushed toward institutional care, or separated from community life.

Can people with disabilities still bring Olmstead claims?

Yes, people with disabilities can still bring Olmstead claims. The DOJ’s June 2026 opinion or July 2026 Federal Register notice don’t erase the ADA, Section 504, or the right to challenge unnecessary institutionalization. But if the federal government steps back from enforcement, people with disabilities and advocates may have to rely more heavily on private lawsuits, state advocacy, and disability rights organizations to protect these rights.

A photo of advocates in Florida rallying to end the use of the R-word

Why the R-Word Is Still a Slur: History and Harm

After The Arc’s recent Teen Vogue op-ed about Euphoria’s repeated use of the R-word, thousands of people responded across social media. Some comments showed gratitude and deep pain. Others showed how many people don’t understand the harm this word carries.

Again and again, people defended the word with some version of: “People are too sensitive,” or “I don’t use it against people with disabilities.”

But those responses don’t change the real issue: the R-word still causes harm, no matter how casually it’s used.

When people use the R-word as an insult, it turns intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) into shorthand for something ridiculous, embarrassing, annoying, or wrong. It doesn’t have to be aimed at a person with a disability to demean people with disabilities.

That’s why the history matters. Let’s be clear about where the R-word came from, and what it means now.

What Is the History of the R-Word?

Where Did the R-Word Come From?

The R-word comes from the Latin retardare, meaning to slow down, delay, hold back, or hinder. But where a word starts isn’t the same as what it means now.

In the United States, the R-word moved from a general word about delay into medical, educational, and legal language used to classify people with intellectual disabilities. Over time, it became a slur used to demean people across the broader IDD community.

How Did the R-Word Become a Medical Term?

By the late 1800s and early 1900s, the R-word was being used in relation to developmental delay and cognitive disabilities. At the time, it was viewed as a clinical term, but that doesn’t make its history harmless.

The word didn’t come from people with disabilities describing themselves. It came from systems built to label and classify them.

In that era, disability was often treated as something to cure, avoid, or separate from public life. Many people with disabilities were placed in institutions, denied education and employment, and shut out of community life. Eugenics made those attitudes even more dangerous, fueling laws and policies that restricted people with disabilities from immigrating, marrying, having children, and controlling their own futures.

The language used about people with disabilities reflected a society that too often made decisions about their lives without recognizing their full humanity.

How Did the R-Word Become a Slur?

The R-word didn’t become a slur overnight. Once it entered medical, educational, legal, and government systems, it became part of how people with intellectual disabilities were labeled in daily life, from school records to public benefits to disability services.

Then people pulled the word out of that context and used it to mock anyone or anything they saw as foolish, embarrassing, or wrong. By the mid-20th century, the word was being used as a slang insult, and by the 1960s it had become widely recognized as a term used to demean. For years, that insult overlapped with official use, turning a real label for people with intellectual disabilities into shorthand for something bad.

That’s why “I don’t mean people with disabilities” doesn’t hold up. When the R-word is used to mean bad, wrong, ridiculous, or embarrassing, it still treats disability as something to reject or look down on.

A person with IDD doesn’t have to be in the room for the word to target them. The target is built into the word.

How Did the R-Word Become Widely Rejected?

The shift away from the R-word was part of a larger disability rights movement. People with disabilities, families, and advocates, including The Arc, pushed schools, lawmakers, media, and the public to recognize what the word had become: a slur that demeaned people with disabilities.

That advocacy led to progress. In 2010, Rosa’s Law replaced “mental retardation” with “intellectual disability” in federal laws, reflecting what people with IDD had been saying for years: the R-word was deeply stigmatizing and harmful.

Rosa’s Law changed federal laws, but not state or local laws. Some states have updated their language, but others still use the outdated term in laws or regulations.

Culturally, the word also became taboo. For a time, many people understood that using the R-word was cruel, outdated, and unacceptable.

Why Are People Using the R-Word Again?

Today, the social boundary around the R-word has weakened.

The R-word is showing up again in comedy, entertainment, politics, social media, and everyday conversation. Its return is being fueled by shock value, backlash, nostalgia, and a lack of understanding about the word’s history.

For many people with disabilities, the R-word is tied to real experiences of being mocked, excluded, underestimated, and treated as less human. This isn’t about asking for special treatment. It’s about taking people seriously when they tell us a word has harmed them. As people with IDD have shared in their own words, this word lands as a reminder of how often their humanity is questioned.

Is It Okay for TV Shows and Comedians to Use the R-Word?

Characters can say harmful things and comedians can push boundaries. Creative choices still matter.

When stand-up specials and popular shows like Euphoria use the R-word, the spread becomes especially powerful because of reach, influence, and social permission. It moves quickly from the screen into social media, school hallways, group chats, and speech.

Some people will say this is just how people talk now. That’s not the full story.

Pop culture doesn’t just mirror what people say. It helps decide what feels acceptable to repeat. When writers, performers, and comedians fold the R-word into dialogue, they’re normalizing it. Creative work can be funny, honest, and memorable without making people with disabilities the collateral damage.

Why Does It Matter if You Use the R-Word?

Even today, people with IDD face serious barriers in education, employment, healthcare, housing, transportation, public benefits, and community life. The R-word isn’t the only problem, but if inclusion matters, the words we excuse matter too.

The words we normalize shape what people believe. What people believe shapes how they treat others. And how people are treated shapes whether people with disabilities are included, hired, taught, supported, believed, and respected.

Stopping the use of the R-word won’t solve every barrier people with disabilities face, but continuing to use it makes existing barriers harder to break down and creates new ones. Language matters because the words we accept determine whose dignity is protected and whose is dismissed.

What Should I Say Instead of the R-Word?

The best replacement for the R-word is more honest language.

If something is frustrating, say frustrating. If it’s reckless, say reckless. If it’s unfair, say unfair. If it’s confusing, say confusing. If someone made a bad decision, say that.

The English language is big enough. You don’t need a slur to make a point.

Read our explainer on what to say instead of the R-word and how to respond when others use it.

Frequently Asked Questions About the R-Word

Is the R-word a slur?

Yes. The R-word is a slur rooted in the history of intellectual disability and widely used to demean people with intellectual and developmental disabilities. It’s harmful because it uses disability as an insult.

Why is the R-word harmful if I don’t mean people with disabilities?

Because using the R-word as a punchline or put-down still uses disability as the insult. You may not mean to hurt people with disabilities, but the word still does harm.

What is the history of the R-word?

The R-word started as a word meaning delay, became a medical and legal label for people with intellectual disabilities, and later became a common insult used to demean people across the broader IDD community.

Was the R-word once a medical term?

Yes. It was once used in medical, educational, and institutional settings to describe people with intellectual disabilities.

Why are people saying the R-word again?

The social boundary around the R-word has weakened. Pop culture, comedy, politics, and social media are helping make the word feel casual again, even though people with disabilities have long made clear that it causes harm.

What did Rosa’s Law do?

Rosa’s Law changed many areas of federal law by replacing the outdated term with “intellectual disability.” It did not change state or local laws.

Picture of the U.S. Department of Education building in Washington, DC

Moving Special Education and Civil Rights Out of Education Department Risks a Patchwork of Rights for Students With Disabilities

Today, the U.S. Department of Education announced plans to move the Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) to the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ). The Arc of the United States warns that the move disregards federal law placing the Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP) in the Department of Education and would make it harder for students with disabilities to access services, resolve discrimination, and hold states accountable under IDEA, the 50-year-old law that guarantees a free appropriate public education tailored to each child’s unique needs.

This plan follows interagency agreements announced in November 2025 that began shifting major Education Department programs to other federal agencies. But these offices are supposed to work together. Students with disabilities need access to school, special education services, accommodations, accessibility, and civil rights enforcement under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act, and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). Moving that work across separate departments risks more confusion, longer delays, and less accountability for families and schools.

The Education Department says OSERS and OCR will keep their legal responsibilities and continue their work without interruption. Calling this a partnership doesn’t change what’s happening: core education and civil rights functions would be moved into agencies that weren’t created to oversee schools, special education, or education-based civil rights enforcement.

“Students with disabilities don’t experience school in agency silos,” said Katy Neas, CEO of The Arc of the United States and former Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting Assistant Secretary in the Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services at the U.S. Department of Education. “A student who is denied services, disciplined for disability-related needs, or blocked from an accessible classroom needs one federal education system that can see the whole picture and act. Moving special education to HHS and civil rights enforcement to DOJ would split apart the offices responsible for making disability rights real in schools, leaving families chasing answers across the federal government instead of getting accountability from one education agency.”

“HHS and DOJ have important roles, but they weren’t built to replace the Department of Education’s school-specific expertise,” said Robyn Linscott, Director of Education and Family Policy at The Arc of the United States. “Moving IDEA oversight into HHS pushes students with disabilities toward a medical model, where disability is treated as a diagnosis to manage instead of a natural part of human life. When that mindset drives education decisions, students are more likely to be segregated, underestimated, or treated as separate from the school community. IDEA belongs in an education agency because it is about classrooms, IEP meetings, behavior support, accessibility, and whether students can learn alongside their peers.”

Why OSERS and OCR belong inside the Education Department

OSERS has two primary components: the Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP) and the Rehabilitation Services Administration (RSA). OSERS oversees federal programs that shape the school experience for students with disabilities and help students move from school to work and community life. It distributes federal special education funding, provides guidance to states and schools, supports teacher training, funds research on effective instruction, and helps ensure students receive the services they are legally entitled to receive.

OCR investigates discrimination in schools, including disability discrimination involving accommodations, accessibility, harassment, restraint and seclusion, and discriminatory discipline. For many families, OCR is one of the few ways to seek federal enforcement without going straight to court.

Why IDEA belongs in an education agency

IDEA is an education and civil rights law. It was created because children with disabilities were excluded from public schools, denied instruction, or sent to institutions instead of being educated in their communities.

Moving IDEA oversight into the Department of Health and Human Services risks changing how the federal government understands and responds to students with disabilities. Instead of focusing on classroom access, instruction, inclusion, services, and school accountability, it could push decisions toward diagnosis, treatment, and care management. Students with disabilities may need health care and related services, but they are students first.

That distinction matters. A medical model can lead to lower expectations, more segregation, and decisions based on diagnosis instead of what a student needs to learn and participate in school. IDEA’s promise depends on schools seeing students with disabilities as full members of the school community. That work must stay connected to the federal education systems that guide schools, support educators, and hold states accountable.

What this could mean for families

Families already spend months, sometimes years, trying to get schools to follow the law. Splitting special education and civil rights enforcement across agencies could add another layer of confusion when students can’t afford to wait.

For families of students with disabilities, this could mean:

  • More confusion about where to go when a child is denied services or accommodations
  • Longer delays when a student is missing instruction, therapies, supports, or accessible materials
  • Less coordination between special education oversight and civil rights enforcement
  • More barriers when a student faces harassment, exclusion, restraint, seclusion, or discriminatory discipline

A student’s education shouldn’t depend on whether their family can figure out which federal agency now owns which piece of the law.

What this could mean for schools and states

Schools and state education agencies need clear, consistent federal guidance. Moving OSERS to HHS and OCR to DOJ could make it harder for states and districts to understand expectations and resolve problems early. This plan could lead to:

  • Conflicting guidance from different federal agencies
  • Slower answers on IDEA and Section 504 questions
  • Less coordination between funding, technical assistance, and enforcement
  • More uneven implementation across states
  • Greater risk that families in different places receive different levels of protection

Federal disability rights shouldn’t depend on a student’s ZIP code or on which agency happens to hold part of the responsibility.

Students can’t get back lost learning time

The Department of Education’s special education and civil rights offices have been weakened by staff cuts, office closures, and delays in enforcement. Recent reports and staffing changes have shown what happens when federal capacity shrinks: complaints take longer, guidance becomes less clear, and families are left wondering whether anyone is responsible for enforcing the law.

When a student with a disability goes without the services, accommodations, accessible materials, instruction, or behavior supports they need, the impact can last a lifetime, shaping whether they graduate, continue their education, find work, participate in their community, and feel like school is a place they belong.

Moving these offices out of the Department of Education would deepen that instability at the exact moment students, families, schools, and states need clarity. The rights in IDEA and Section 504 haven’t changed, but rights are only as strong as the systems that enforce them.

Why The Arc is taking action

The Arc has fought for the education rights of students with disabilities for decades. Our advocacy helped lay the groundwork for IDEA, and we have worked ever since to protect and strengthen the systems that make that law real for students and families.

The Arc is also a plaintiff in Somerville Public Schools et al. v. Trump et al., a federal lawsuit challenging efforts to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education. We joined that case because weakening federal education capacity threatens special education oversight, civil rights enforcement, and the ability of students with disabilities to access the education federal law promises them.

The Arc’s policy and legal advocacy teams continue to meet with policymakers and education officials to protect IDEA, Section 504, and the federal infrastructure students with disabilities rely on.

We urge Congress to step in immediately, assert its constitutional role over federal agencies, and keep critical education and civil rights programs where the law says they belong. Students’ rights may remain in statute, but those rights are only meaningful when families can access the systems that enforce them.

For reporters: interview availability

The Arc can connect reporters with national policy experts who can explain the impact of this decision on students with disabilities nationwide.

Robyn Linscott, Director of Education and Family Policy at The Arc of the United States, is available for interviews on what this move means for students with disabilities, families, schools, IDEA, Section 504, and federal civil rights enforcement.

Katy Neas, CEO of The Arc of the United States and former Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting Assistant Secretary in OSERS, is also available for interviews on the history and federal role of special education oversight.

More on the dismantling of the Department of Education

Picture of medical equipment on a white table including a mask, syringes and a stethoscope

NIH v. APHA Explained: Cancelled NIH Grants Harder to Restore

In August 2025, the U.S. Supreme Court made it harder for health researchers to restore NIH grants that were canceled under the Trump administration’s new funding directives. In National Institutes of Health v. American Public Health Association, the Court said challenges to the government’s broader guidance can likely still move forward in federal district court, but claims at getting terminated grant funding back belong in the Court of Federal Claims instead. That means many researchers may have to fight on two fronts just to challenge one set of decisions, creating a slower and more complicated path for restoring research that can improve and save lives.

What is NIH v. APHA and Why Does it Matter?

This case is about whether researchers can go to go court when the federal government suddenly changes course and cancels already-awarded health research grants.

That may sound technical, but the stakes are high. In early 2025, the NIH issued internal guidance saying it would no longer fund research tied to topics the administration opposed, including diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) objectives, gender identity, and COVID-19. The NIH then terminated almost 2,000 grants that had already been funded for research related to those topics. The Supreme Court’s ruling affects how researchers can challenge those actions and how difficult it will be to get funding restored when grants are cut off.

What Happened in NIH v. APHA?

Researchers and organizations including the American Public Health Association sued in federal district court in Massachusetts after the NIH abruptly canceled grants and issued guidance directing institutes to stop funding certain research. The plaintiffs argued that the guidance and the grant terminations were unlawful.

The District Court judge sided with the plaintiffs, finding the agency’s actions unlawful and “arbitrary and capricious.” The defendants then appealed that ruling to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit and asked the court to stop (or “stay”) the District Court’s order while the appeal moved forward. The First Circuit refused, finding the defendants hadn’t shown it was likely to win an appeal. The federal government then went to the Supreme Court on its emergency docket and asked the justices to block the lower court’s order. Because this came through the emergency process, there was no oral argument before the Court acted.

What Did the Supreme Court Decide in NIH v. APHA?

The Supreme Court granted the federal government’s request in part and denied it in part. The justices allowed the legal challenge to the NIH’s guidance to continue, but they said the District Court didn’t have jurisdiction to order relief tied to the terminated grants themselves. In practical terms, that means researchers who want the grants reinstated have to pursue that part of the fight in the Court of Federal Claims rather than in District Court.

That split matters because the two courts offer different kinds of relief. District Courts can decide whether agency action was unlawful and can issue remedies like blocking unlawful guidance. The Court of Federal Claims, by contrast, is built for money claims against the government. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson warned that this creates what she called a “bizarre claim-splitting regime” that could leave plaintiffs without effective relief at all. Justice Jackson puts a fine point on the consequences of this decision:

“For the Government, the incremental expenditure of money is at stake. For plaintiffs and the public, scientific progress itself hangs in the balance—along with the lives that progress saves. Make no mistake: Per the evidence in front of the District Court, the forward march of scientific discovery will not only be halted—it will be reversed.”

A later agreement required the NIH to give some stalled applications a new, good-faith review, but it didn’t undo the Supreme Court’s ruling on terminated grants. The larger legal fight over the District Court’s decision also continued after oral argument in the First Circuit in January 2026.

Why The Arc Supports Federal Funding for Health Research

The Arc’s position statement on research is clear: applied and basic research related to intellectual and/or developmental disabilities must be adequately funded, designed around topics that matter to people with disabilities and their families, and conducted in ways that improve people’s lives. Research helps promote independence, improve quality of life, strengthen services and supports, and identify better educational, social, and clinical interventions. When the government abruptly cuts off that funding, it doesn’t just disrupt grants. It disrupts knowledge, innovation, and progress for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities.

Why NIH v. APHA Matters for People With Disabilities

This case matters because disability research is part of the larger web of health research that was disrupted. The terminated grants included studies on reproductive decision-making among women with developmental disabilities that affect cognition and a psychosocial intervention for autistic adults who are sexual and gender minorities, along with research related to kidney disease, diabetes, Alzheimer’s disease and dementia, and HIV.

When research funding stops, research often stops with it. And when the path to restoring that funding becomes slower and more fragmented, fewer researchers may have the time or resources to challenge unlawful terminations. That means less research, less innovation, and less understanding of the health needs of people with disabilities in the future.

Where Can I Learn More About NIH v. APHA?

NIH v. APHA FAQ: Research Funding, Federal Courts, and Disability Research

What is NIH v. APHA about?

It’s about where researchers can go to court when the NIH cancels already-awarded grants and changes its funding rules.

What did the Supreme Court decide in NIH v. APHA?

The Court said the challenge to the NIH’s guidance can continue in District Court, but claims seeking restoration of terminated grant funding likely belong in the Court of Federal Claims.

Why does NIH v. APHA matter for people with disabilities?

Because disability research is part of the health research affected by these funding cuts, and making grants harder to restore can slow or stop research that people with disabilities depend on.

Written by: Shira Wakschlag, Senior Executive Officer of Legal Advocacy and General Counsel at The Arc of the United States

Picture of a hospital or nursing home hallway with white walls and white floors

Brown v. DC: Why This Community Integration Case Matters for People With Disabilities

More than 25 years after the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Olmstead v. L.C., people with disabilities are still fighting for the right to live in the community instead of being unnecessarily stuck in institutions. In Brown v. DC, that fight is playing out in the nation’s capital. In late 2024, a federal district court ruled that Washington, DC, was failing people with physical disabilities living in nursing facilities by not giving them enough information about community options, not providing effective transition help, and not maintaining an effective Olmstead plan.

DC has now appealed, and The Arc recently filed an amicus brief urging the DC Circuit to uphold that ruling.

What is Brown v. DC and why does it matter?

This case is about whether DC is violating the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) integration mandate by unnecessarily keeping people with physical disabilities in nursing facilities instead of helping them move into community-based living.

That matters because the Supreme Court made clear in Olmstead that unjustified segregation of people with disabilities is discrimination. Federal disability law requires public systems to provide services in the most integrated setting appropriate to a person’s needs. In plain terms: if a person with a disability can live in the community with the right supports, the government cannot simply leave them in an institution because that’s easier or more familiar.

How did Brown v. DC reach this appeal?

This lawsuit began in 2010 when advocates sued DC for failing to help nursing facility residents with physical disabilities transition into the community. In 2014, the district court certified a class of people with physical disabilities receiving long-term care in nursing facilities who were eligible for community-based services, wanted to live in the community, and needed help from DC to get there. The case first went to trial in 2017, and the district court ruled in favor of DC Plaintiffs appealed, and in 2019 the DC Circuit reversed the decision, ruling that the district court had used the wrong legal standard and sending the case back for another trial.

After that retrial, the district court ruled for the plaintiffs in December 2024. The court found that DC had failed to inform nursing facility residents about community-based options, failed to help them access the services and housing they needed to leave, and failed to maintain an effective Olmstead plan. DC appealed again, and that’s the case now before the DC Circuit.

What did the District Court find in Brown v. DC?

The district court’s 2024 ruling was a major win because it focused on concrete barriers that keep people trapped in nursing facilities.

The court found that DC wasn’t doing enough to tell residents they had options outside an institution. It also found that DC wasn’t providing effective transition assistance and was relying too heavily on nursing facilities themselves instead of taking responsibility as the government entity running the system. And it found that DC didn’t have an effective, working Olmstead plan for helping people move into the community

What is The Arc arguing in Brown v. DC?

The Arc and its co-amici argue that the district court got it right. The brief says DC is violating its integration obligations and that the remedy ordered by the district court is both appropriate and necessary. That includes requiring DC to provide meaningful information to people in nursing facilities, strengthen transition services, and build enough community-based long-term care and housing capacity so people can actually leave institutions.

The issue isn’t just whether people technically qualify for community living. It’s whether the system gives them a real path to get there.

Why The Arc supports strong community integration obligations

Although this case focuses on people with physical disabilities, the stakes are broader. When DC fails to maintain an effective Olmstead plan, that failure affects all people with disabilities who are unnecessarily segregated in institutions. A stronger system for helping people leave nursing facilities and move into the community would benefit many disabled people across the District, including people with intellectual and developmental disabilities.

The Arc strongly supports community-based services that allow people with IDD to live and thrive outside institutional settings. Our position statements on Long-Term Supports and Services and Human and Civil Rights make that clear: people with disabilities have a right to the supports they need to live in the community, those services must be delivered in the most integrated setting, and reliance on institutions cannot be a substitute for successful community living.

Why community integration matters for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities

This case matters because the right to live in the community is bigger than any one disability group. When DC fails to help people leave nursing facilities, it strengthens a system that keeps disabled people segregated instead of supported.

That’s why this case matters for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities, too. For decades, The Arc has fought for community living, not institutionalization. A strong ruling here would reinforce a simple but important principle: governments must do more than say community living is possible. They must provide the housing, services, and transition support that make it real.

Where can I learn more about Brown v. DC?

You can learn more on The Arc’s Brown v. DC resource page and from broader federal guidance on Olmstead and community integration.

Brown v. DC FAQs: Olmstead, Nursing Facilities, and Community Living

What is Brown v. DC about?

It is about whether DC is unlawfully keeping people with physical disabilities in nursing facilities instead of helping them move into the community.

What’s an Olmstead plan?

It’s a state or local government’s working plan for helping people with disabilities move from institutions into more integrated community settings, as required by federal disability law.

Why does this case matter beyond people with physical disabilities?

Because if DC isn’t meeting its community integration obligations, that can affect other people with disabilities too, including people with IDD who need services and supports to live in the community.

A picture of prison bars up close with a brick floor

Hamm v. Smith Explained: Can IQ Scores Alone Determine Intellectual Disability in Death Penalty Cases?

In Hamm v. Smith, the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed a closely watched death penalty case about how courts should evaluate intellectual disability. The case asked whether courts can consider multiple IQ test scores as part of a full clinical assessment when deciding whether a person is intellectually disabled and therefore protected from execution under the Eighth Amendment. In a 5-4 decision issued on May 21, 2026, the Court dismissed the case as “improvidently granted,” meaning the justices decided they shouldn’t have agreed to hear it in the first place. As a result, the Court didn’t answer the underlying question, leaving uncertainty about how courts should use multiple IQ scores in future death penalty cases involving intellectual disability.

Bottom line: The Supreme Court didn’t decide whether courts can rely on multiple IQ scores when determining intellectual disability in death penalty cases.

What is Hamm v. Smith about?

Before the Supreme Court dismissed the case, Hamm v. Smith asked an important question about how courts determine whether a person has intellectual disability in death penalty cases.

That question matters because the Supreme Court has already ruled that executing a person with an intellectual disability is unconstitutional. In Hamm v. Smith, the issue wasn’t whether that protection exists. It was how courts should apply it. More specifically, the case asked whether courts can consider multiple IQ test scores as part of a full clinical evaluation, or whether they should give too much weight to the numbers alone.

The Court agreed to review “whether and how courts may consider the cumulative effect of multiple IQ scores in assessing an Atkins claim.”

Can a state execute a person with an intellectual disability?

No. In Atkins v. Virginia, the Supreme Court ruled that the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment prohibits the execution of people with intellectual disability. Later decisions reinforced that courts cannot use an overly rigid or outdated approach when deciding whether someone has an intellectual disability. In Hall v. Florida in 2014, the Court rejected a strict cutoff based only on IQ test scores. In Moore v. Texas in 2017, the Court ruled that courts must use clinical standards, not stereotypes or non-clinical assumptions.

Those rulings are consistent with how intellectual disability is actually diagnosed by experts. It’s not determined by an IQ test alone. Clinicians look at the whole picture, including intellectual functioning, adaptive functioning, and whether the disability began during the developmental period. IQ tests can be part of that picture, but they aren’t the whole picture.

A person may take multiple IQ tests throughout their life. Those scores can be helpful, but they don’t replace clinical judgment. Different tests can produce somewhat different results, and an outlier score doesn’t automatically tell the full story. Courts should look at all the relevant evidence, including how a person functions in daily life.

How did Hamm v. Smith reach the Supreme Court?

Joseph Smith was convicted of murder in Alabama in 1997, before the Supreme Court’s decision in Atkins v. Virginia. After Atkins, Mr. Smith sought post-conviction relief, arguing that he has intellectual disability and cannot be executed.

In 2022, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit ruled in his favor. The court considered Mr. Smith’s history of adaptive deficits dating back to grade school, where he was evaluated for special education services. It also considered five IQ tests, four of which had scores in the low-to-mid 70s. The court concluded that the evidence, viewed together, supported a finding of intellectual disability.

Alabama appealed to the Supreme Court. In November 2024, the Supreme Court sent the case back down to the Eleventh Circuit and asked it to clarify how it used Mr. Smith’s multiple IQ scores. The Eleventh Circuit said it had looked holistically at his scores, not by relying on the lowest score alone. Alabama appealed again, and in June 2025, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case on a limited question about whether and how courts may consider multiple IQ test scores in an Atkins claim.

What did the Supreme Court decide in Hamm v. Smith?

In a 5-4 vote, the Supreme Court dismissed Hamm v. Smith instead of deciding the question it had agreed to review. The Court’s full order was one sentence: it dismissed the case as “improvidently granted,” meaning the justices concluded they shouldn’t have taken it in the first place. As a result, the lower court’s ruling stands, and Joseph Smith remains protected from execution under the Eighth Amendment.

Justice Sotomayor, joined by Justice Jackson, wrote separately to explain why dismissal was appropriate. She said the case wasn’t the right vehicle for resolving how courts should evaluate multiple IQ scores in death penalty cases. In her view, the parties agreed on an important point: courts can consider multiple IQ scores when determining whether a person has an intellectual disability. She also explained that the lower courts hadn’t actually decided the broader legal rule Alabama wanted the Supreme Court to announce. Because of that, she concluded the Court couldn’t properly answer that question here.

Justice Sotomayor also underscored a key point The Arc raised in its amicus brief: intellectual disability cannot be reduced to IQ scores alone. Citing disability and clinical experts, she wrote that “IQ test scores cannot stand alone” and must be considered alongside other evidence, including adaptive functioning and the person’s day-to-day intellectual functioning.

Justice Thomas dissented, arguing that Atkins v. Virginia was wrongly decided.

Justice Alito, joined by Chief Justice Roberts, Justice Gorsuch, and Justice Thomas, also dissented, arguing that the Court should have decided this case and given lower courts more guidance on how to use multiple IQ tests going forward.

What is The Arc’s view on intellectual disability and the death penalty?

The Arc’s position is clear: no person with intellectual disability should be executed, and states must use fair, accurate procedures that follow accepted clinical standards when deciding whether a person has an intellectual disability. Here’s more from our position statement on the criminal justice system:

When death penalty is an issue, individuals with intellectual disability… must: Continue to be exempt from the death penalty because existing case-by-case determinations of competence to stand trial, criminal responsibility, and mitigating factors at sentencing have proved insufficient to protect the rights of individuals with intellectual disability; Have access to expert witnesses and professionals who are knowledgeable about, as well as trained and experienced in, intellectual disability and who can accurately determine the presence and effects of intellectual disability; and [h]ave their intellectual disability determined by state procedures that are accurate… state procedures must be consistent with the national standards on making an intellectual disability determination and ensure that people with intellectual disability are not executed.

Since Atkins v. Virginia, The Arc has filed amicus briefs in every U.S. Supreme Court case involving the death penalty and intellectual disability, including Hamm v. Smith. In this case, The Arc argued that IQ tests have a built-in margin of error and cannot replace clinical judgment. Multiple IQ scores can make the analysis more complicated, especially when one score appears to be an outlier.

That’s why courts must look beyond numbers alone and consider the full clinical record, including adaptive functioning and other evidence of intellectual disability.

Why Hamm v. Smith matters for people with disabilities

This case matters because it’s about whether courts will follow science and accepted clinical standards when deciding who is protected from execution.

Intellectual disability is a lifelong condition. It cannot be reduced to a single IQ score. Experts have made clear that diagnosis requires a full evaluation, including intellectual functioning, adaptive functioning, and other evidence over time.

People with intellectual disability are at greater risk of being targeted, pressured, wrongfully convicted, and failed by the criminal legal system. Without fair, accurate, science-based standards, lives are at risk.

This case isn’t about excusing violent crime. People with intellectual disability can still be held accountable under the law. But the Constitution draws a clear line: people with intellectual disability cannot be executed.

Although the Supreme Court dismissed Hamm v. Smith without answering the question it agreed to review, existing constitutional protections remain in place.

Where can I learn more about Hamm v. Smith?

The Arc’s Hamm v. Smith Case Page

Hamm v. Smith FAQ: Intellectual Disability, IQ Scores, and the Death Penalty

Can a person with an intellectual disability be executed?

No. The Supreme Court ruled in Atkins v. Virginia that the Constitution prohibits executing people with intellectual disability.

What is Hamm v. Smith about?

The case asked whether courts can solely consider multiple IQ scores when deciding whether a person has an intellectual disability in a death penalty case.

What did the Supreme Court decide in Hamm v. Smith?

In a 5-4 decision on May 21, 2026, the Court dismissed the case as “improvidently granted,” meaning the justices decided they should not have taken it in the first place.

Why did the Supreme Court dismiss Hamm v. Smith?

A majority of the justices concluded this wasn’t the right case to resolve a broader rule about how courts should weigh multiple IQ scores. Justice Sotomayor wrote that the question Alabama wanted answered had not been properly decided in the lower courts.

Did the Supreme Court’s dismissal of Hamm v. Smith change the rule that people with intellectual disability cannot be executed?

No. The Supreme Court did not overturn Atkins v. Virginia. The constitutional rule remains the same: people with intellectual disability cannot be executed.

Why are IQ scores not enough by themselves?

Because intellectual disability is diagnosed using a full clinical assessment, not one number alone. Courts and clinicians must also consider adaptive functioning and other evidence.

Written by: Evan Monod, Staff Attorney for The Arc of the United States

A man with disabilities wearing sunglasses, a navy Rushcreek Fire Department T-shirt, jeans, and sneakers stands in front of a bright yellow fire truck. The truck door is open and has text that reads, “Rushcreek Twp. Vol. Fire Dept.

The Cost of Medicaid Cuts: What Kaycee and Keith Stand to Lose

Every person deserves the chance to live, learn, and be part of their community. For many people with disabilities, Medicaid home and community-based services (HCBS) make that possible. These services help people stay healthy and connected to their communities, with the support they need. Without HCBS, many families would face fear, isolation, and impossible choices.

A smiling woman with disabilities wearing glasses, a tiara, and a pink sash stands in front of a sparkly pink backdrop. She is holding a crown-shaped trophy, flowers, and a bouquet. A decorative banner behind her includes the words “IN OUR AMAZING.”Melanie from West Virginia knows this better than most. Her daughter, Kaycee, is 22 years old and full of hope for her future. But getting to this point was not easy. Melanie remembers the years before HCBS, when every day felt like a crisis. As she explains, “Before Kaycee had access to Medicaid and the IDD Waiver, our family was in constant crisis. She needed step-by-step support for daily life… We were doing everything we could, but it was not enough.”

Everything changed when Kaycee finally got the support she needed. With HCBS, she gained access to therapies, medical care, and community services that helped her grow. She found her voice. She learned new skills. She began to take part in her community in ways that once felt impossible.

But Melanie knows how fragile that progress is. “If home and community-based services are cut, my daughter will not just lose support, she will lose her ability to safely live the life she has worked so hard to build.”

Kaycee still needs daily help to stay safe, communicate, and manage her medical needs. Without HCBS, she could lose the independence she fought so hard for. She could face medical emergencies, isolation, or even institutionalization.

A smiling man with disabilities wearing glasses, a black shirt, and a black baseball cap with a yellow sun design takes a selfie indoors. Fluorescent ceiling lights and a window with vertical blinds are visible behind him.In Ohio, Keith also depends on HCBS to live the life he chooses. He is proud of the ways he gives back to his community. He is an Eagle Scout, a volunteer football coach, a church sound tech, and a member of his local fire department’s auxiliary team. He also has complex medical needs that require daily support.

Keith shares, “I depend on HCBS services to manage my complex needs that are not always visible to others. I was born with complex heart and pulmonary complications. These services have allowed me to remain active in my community and church.”

He worries deeply about what cuts would mean for his future. “I am deeply concerned that any end to these programs would jeopardize my ability to contribute to society and live independently,” he says. “I urge you to protect these essential services for myself and others with disabilities.”

These stories show what HCBS makes possible. But right now, these services are at risk. Congress has already made major cuts to Medicaid, and more cuts may come. That means longer waiting lists, fewer supports, and more families in crisis.

People with disabilities and their families deserve better.

Now is the time to act. Contact your members of Congress and tell them to protect Medicaid home and community-based services. Lives, futures, and communities depend on it.

 

Katy Neas, CEO of The Arc of the United States, sitting in a white chair with a black binder on her lap smiling at the camera

A New Q&A Series Helps Journalists Cover Disability With More Accuracy and Respect

People with intellectual and developmental disabilities, or IDD, are part of every community. They are students, workers, voters, family members, advocates, neighbors, and people directly affected by the systems journalists cover every day.

But too often, people with IDD are left out of stories about disability, Medicaid, education, healthcare, housing, transportation, employment, criminal justice, and community life. When they’re included, coverage can still rely on outdated language, inaccessible interviews, narrow sourcing, or images that don’t reflect the full reality of people’s lives.

That’s why The Arc partnered with the National Press Club Journalism Institute on a three-part Q&A series to help journalists cover disability with more accuracy, accessibility, and respect.

The series features practical guidance from Katy Neas, CEO of The Arc of the United States, on interviewing people with IDD, avoiding harmful framing, and choosing visuals that represent people with disabilities as diverse participants in everyday life.

Disability Reporting Guidance for Journalists

The Q&A series focuses on three common gaps in disability coverage: who gets interviewed, how stories are framed, and what visuals are used.

Together, the series gives reporters, editors, producers, and photo editors practical ways to make disability coverage more accurate, accessible, and rooted in the lives of people with disabilities.

How & Why to Interview People With Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities

This Q&A focuses on how journalists can make interviews more accessible and respectful for people with IDD. It includes guidance on asking what would make the interview work best, sharing questions in advance when helpful, using plain language, giving people time to process, and making sure people with IDD stay at the center of their own stories.

It also explains why people with IDD can be important sources on the policies, systems, barriers, and supports that shape daily life.

How to Choose Better Visuals for Disability Stories

This Q&A focuses on the visuals newsrooms use when covering disability. Too often, disability stories rely on the same narrow visuals, like isolated wheelchair images, hospital scenes, or photos that frame people with disabilities through pity or dependency.

The guidance offers practical standards for reporters, photo editors, and producers, including how to choose visuals that show people with disabilities in all their diversity and in real settings: at school, at work, with family, in the community, using technology, advocating, and participating in everyday life.

How to Avoid Outdated and Harmful Disability Language

This Q&A focuses on language and framing. The words journalists choose shape how audiences understand disability. The guidance explains how to avoid stereotypes, respect how people describe themselves, and cover disability as part of public policy, civil rights, and community life.

It also reminds newsrooms that disability coverage shouldn’t default to pity, tragedy, or treating someone as inspiring simply for existing.

Why Accurate Disability Reporting Matters for People With IDD

Coverage shapes public understanding. It influences how people think about disability, what policymakers pay attention to, and whether people with IDD are included in stories about the issues that affect their lives.

Better reporting starts with better sourcing, better questions, better language, and better visuals.

People with IDD should be included early in the reporting process, and not just in stories focused on disability issues. They should be asked what would make an interview work best. They should be given the same respect, preparation, and clarity any source deserves. And they shouldn’t be expected to represent an entire community.

The Arc Is a Resource for Journalists Covering IDD

Through our national office and chapter network, The Arc can provide background on intellectual and developmental disabilities, connect reporters with experts, and help identify people and families who may want to share their experiences when appropriate. For media inquiries and more resources, visit The Arc’s Press Center.

Read the Full National Press Club Journalism Institute Q&A Series:

Picture of the U.S. Department of Education building in Washington, DC

HELP Committee Report Finds OCR Reached a 12-Year Low in Enforceable Relief for Students Facing Discrimination

Staff for the U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) released a new report yesterday documenting a steep decline in enforceable civil rights outcomes at the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR), including in cases involving students with disabilities.

The report finds that OCR reached 112 resolution agreements in 2025, down from 507 in 2024, a steep drop in one of the main ways OCR can require schools to fix civil rights violations. That’s about 1% of the 11,985 civil rights cases the report says were pending. For disability discrimination cases, the report lists 5,794 pending cases and only 83 resolution agreements in 2025, down from 390 in 2024.

That drop comes after major disruption to OCR’s capacity. In March 2025, nearly half of OCR staff were affected by a reduction in force, a change that reduced the number of investigators available to respond to students and schools and contributed to instability in how complaints were handled.

Bottom line: resolution agreements are one of the main ways OCR can require a school to fix a civil rights violation. Without a resolution agreement, families often don’t get a schoolwide fix, and the same barriers can continue for the family who filed and the students who come after them.

Key takeaways from the report on disability cases

The report shows that some of the most serious disability-related categories had little to no enforceable relief in 2025, including:

  • Restraint and/or seclusion: 172 pending cases, 0 resolution agreements
  • Disability harassment: 595 pending cases, 1 resolution agreement
  • FAPE (free appropriate public education): 1,887 pending cases, 40 resolution agreements

The report also describes civil rights enforcement at a 12-year low and notes that multiple regional civil rights offices have been closed, shrinking the federal capacity families and schools rely on.

Why OCR capacity is the difference between rights and reality

“This report shows federal civil rights enforcement in education, an essential tool provided by Congress to help fight disability discrimination, is being denied to students with disabilities,” said Katy Neas, CEO of The Arc of the United States. “OCR is where families turn when a student is denied accommodations or accessibility, pushed out of learning time, or harassed or disciplined unfairly because of disability. When OCR isn’t delivering solutions schools must follow, students lose learning time, families lose a workable path to resolve what’s happening, and schools are left with uncertainty and weaker oversight. Students with disabilities pay the price now, and it shapes what comes next, from graduation to employment and independence.”

What this means for families of students with disabilities

Families often turn to OCR after they have documented the problem and tried to resolve it through the school and district with no meaningful change. When OCR enforcement is inconsistent, urgent issues can drag on while a student keeps losing access to learning and support.

Families turn to OCR for urgent situations like:

  • A student being denied accommodations or accessibility
  • Repeated removals from class instead of support
  • Disability-based harassment not being addressed
  • Discriminatory discipline that keeps a child out of learning time
  • Restraint and seclusion issues that demand immediate accountability

OCR is one of the few avenues families can pursue without having to hire a lawyer or spend years in court.

What this means for schools and educators

Schools rely on OCR enforcement and guidance. When enforcement is inconsistent or guidance isn’t available, confusion grows and problems linger.

  • Schools lose clear, reliable direction about what compliance looks like.
  • Disputes last longer and are more likely to escalate into conflict, due process, or litigation.
  • Inconsistent enforcement leads to uneven practices across districts.

Why The Arc is weighing in

The Arc exists because families had to fight for the basic right of children with disabilities to be educated. Our advocacy helped lay the groundwork for the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), and for decades we’ve worked to protect and strengthen it so students can learn alongside nondisabled students with the support they need.

Today, our policy team regularly meets with members of Congress and education officials to protect IDEA and Section 504, and to push for the staffing and oversight that make those rights real in schools.

The Arc is also a plaintiff in Somerville Public Schools et al. v. Trump et al., a federal lawsuit challenging efforts to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education, because weakening federal capacity threatens special education oversight and civil rights enforcement that students with disabilities rely on.

Next steps to restore civil rights enforcement in education

The report points to a simple reality: students’ rights depend on a civil rights office that can do its job consistently and transparently. OCR’s work affects students facing discrimination based on disability, race, national origin, and sex, and families need a process that leads to real answers and real fixes.

If OCR is going to protect students and provide meaningful accountability, these steps can’t wait:

  • Fully staff and stabilize OCR so complaints get a real review and timely decisions.
  • Restore transparency by regularly publishing basic information about workload, timelines, and outcomes so families and schools can understand what’s happening.
  • Act quickly when a student is facing ongoing harm or being shut out of education, including cases involving denial of accommodations or accessibility, harassment, discriminatory discipline, and restraint or seclusion.
  • Communicate clearly with families and schools about what to expect after a complaint is filed, including timelines, reasons cases are dismissed, and what steps schools must take when OCR finds a violation.

For reporters: Interview availability

Robyn Linscott, Director of Education and Family Policy at The Arc of the United States, is available for interviews on what the report’s findings mean for students with disabilities and what policymakers are weighing based on input from families and school systems.

Frequently Asked Questions about OCR enforcement and students with disabilities

What is a resolution agreement at the Office for Civil Rights?
A resolution agreement is a formal agreement that requires a school to take specific steps to fix a civil rights problem identified through OCR’s process.

Why do OCR resolution agreements matter for students with disabilities?
They can require changes like providing accommodations, fixing accessibility barriers, changing discipline practices, and addressing harassment so the same harm does not continue.

What types of disability issues do OCR handle in schools?
Common issues include Section 504 accommodations, accessibility barriers, disability harassment, discriminatory discipline, and concerns related to restraint and seclusion.

What should families do if they believe a student’s disability rights are being violated?
Families can document concerns, use school and district complaint processes, and consider filing an OCR complaint when discrimination is alleged.